Even More Winning
As the youths like to say, 'Let 'em cook'
Even More Winning
What I told you last week. And the week before. And for the last eighteen months.
I hate to say I told you so. (I don’t actually hate it. Saying “I told you so” is one of the small, undervalued pleasures of getting older and being right about hard things while everyone smarter and more credentialed than you was confidently and publicly wrong.)
So: I told you so.
Last week’s letter was titled So Much Winning, a deliberate echo of Trump’s old line about how we’d get so tired of winning we’d beg him to stop. I argued the structural cheating was finally being unwound. SCOTUS rebuked Louisiana’s racial gerrymander. Virginia’s Supreme Court slapped down the Democrats’ rigged map. Voter rolls being cleaned. ID being normalized. Deportations actually happening. Iran no longer the keystone holding up the parallel architecture. Tariffs filling the war chest. The 2030 census coming for the blue states’ apportionment lifeline. China being marginalized, the Gulf finally on the same team, Japan rearming, India locking arms, Argentina firing up the chainsaw, Italy holding, the Netherlands flipping. The post–Cold War order being quietly replaced by an unmistakably American one.
That was last week. And what did I tell you? We’d be winning MORE this week and the days ahead. Not less. Not “regression to the mean.” Not “the establishment will reassert itself.” Not “this is just a sugar high.”
MORE. And that is exactly what happened.
For nearly two years I’ve been told I was cherry-picking anecdotes to fit my biases. OK. Let’s see what those anecdotes are saying now.
The Indiana Bloodbath
Memorize this number. Quote it back to your blue-bubble brother-in-law next Thanksgiving when he tells you “Trump is losing his grip.”
85.7 percent.
Six out of seven. That’s the kill rate Trump-backed challengers ran against sitting Republican Indiana state senators in this week’s primaries. The seven RINO incumbents had one thing in common: they had refused to support Trump’s mid-decade redistricting push for a couple of GOP House seats. Trump told them, publicly, that defying him on this would be career-ending. Most assumed he was bluffing.
Daniel Dernulc lost. Linda Rogers lost. Travis Holdman lost. Jim Buck lost. Greg Walker lost. Another targeted incumbent lost as well. Exactly one survivor among the seven, and at the time of writing his race remains too close to call.
Consider what state legislative incumbents normally look like. Reelection rates routinely exceed 95%. Most voters cannot name their state senator. Incumbents have donor networks, lobbyist backing, name recognition, and the structural advantage of low-information off-cycle elections. State legislative primaries are where political careers go to be quietly extended forever.
Before yesterday, only six Indiana Republican state senators had lost primaries since 2002. Six. In nearly two and a half decades.
In a single night, MAGA matched almost a quarter century of attrition. Trump-aligned groups reportedly put more than $8 million into races that ordinarily attract zero national attention. And in most of those races, the MAGA challenger didn’t squeak by. They cleared 60%. Meanwhile, every Indiana Democratic incumbent running against a primary challenger that same night won. As you’d normally expect. The asymmetry isn’t subtle.
That is not noise. That is not anecdote. That is a system telling you in plain English that the rules have changed.
Most former presidents can pick up the phone and get a friend a meeting, write a fundraising email and move maybe a hundred grand, endorse a candidate in a marquee race and add a couple of points. That’s the standard halflife of post-presidential influence. Trump, well into his second term, can systematically remove sitting members of his own party from office for the sin of insufficient loyalty in state senate races. That is not normal. That is not residual celebrity. That is a phase change in how American politics actually works.
The message could not be clearer: be a RINO who knifes Trump on something he cares about, and you’ll be primaried. And if Indiana is any indication, you will lose. And it won’t be close.
The odds of the SAVE Act passing? Just went up. The odds of the filibuster getting knee-capped? Just went up. The odds of Trump getting basically any major piece of his agenda that requires holding the conference together? Just went up.
So tell me again how MAGA is “exhausted.” Tell me again about the “blue wave” coming in November.
I’ll wait.
Britain: The Labour Carnage
While the American press was busy pretending Indiana didn’t happen, the British just had what may be the most important UK election in three generations.
The numbers from across the pond, with 4,762 of 4,992 seats declared:
Reform UK: +1,442 council seats
Labour: −1,406
Conservatives: −557
Lib Dems: +151
Greens: +375
Read that again. Labour, the governing party, less than two years into its term, with the honeymoon period that protects every newly elected government, lost more than 1,400 council seats in a single cycle. The formal opposition Conservatives lost another 557.
Reform, Nigel Farage’s project, mocked for years by every respectable outlet in Britain as the political equivalent of cousin-marriage, picked up 1,442 seats and seized control of multiple county councils including Derbyshire, Durham, Staffordshire, Lincolnshire, and Doncaster. Labour strongholds. In Hartlepool, the symbolic heartland of working-class northern Labour, Reform won all twelve contested seats. All. Twelve. Labour lost roughly 83% of contested seats. EIGHTY THREE PERCENT.
This is not midterm churn. This is the British two-party system, the structure that survived two world wars, the loss of an empire, deindustrialization, Thatcher, Blair, the financial crisis, Brexit, Boris, and Liz Truss in a lettuce-shaped coffin, visibly failing to contain twenty-first-century anger. And note who lost: not just Labour. Not just the Conservatives. Both postwar duopoly parties. Simultaneously. In a single off-year cycle.
If you wanted a cleaner empirical demonstration of legitimacy collapse, you couldn’t write one in a lab.
The Broader Map
Britain is not a one-off. Britain is the latest one-off. Look at the rest of the board.
Germany. AfD won 20.8% of the vote in the 2025 federal elections. Doubled its prior support. Became the second-largest political force in the country. The SPD, the party of postwar German consensus, the architects of Soziale Marktwirtschaft, of Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt, collapsed to 16.4%. Their worst result since 1887. Before two world wars. Before Weimar. Before the Berlin Wall, before its fall, and before reunification. The SPD is now polling worse than it did when Bismarck was Chancellor. And remember, postwar Germany was engineered to suppress nationalist-populist politics. AfD continues growing despite institutional stigmatization, intelligence-service surveillance, and years of coordinated press portrayals as “barely-not-Nazis.”
France. Marine Le Pen’s National Rally took 31.5% of the European elections in 2024, nearly double Macron’s coalition, the strongest single-party showing in a French European election in roughly forty years. Macron responded by dissolving parliament. Presidents do not dissolve legislatures because a fringe party had a good month. They do it when they feel the legitimacy slipping out from under them.
Italy. Giorgia Meloni took power. The establishment said populists can protest but can’t govern. Meloni governed. Coalition stable. Fiscal discipline holding. Working with Trump like an actual partner instead of a problem. She strengthened in office.
Netherlands. Geert Wilders, after decades as a permanent pariah of the entire Dutch establishment, just produced the largest electoral victory of his political career.
Argentina. Javier Milei. Ran on a literal chainsaw. Promised to dismantle the administrative state. Was relentlessly mocked as a dangerous lunatic. Won anyway. Then took office, gutted ministries, slashed subsidies, weathered the predictable street theater, and won the legislative midterms with 40% of the national vote. The institutions discrediting Milei were the strongest argument for Milei.
Now zoom out. Trump in the US. Reform in Britain. AfD in Germany. RN in France. Meloni in Italy. Wilders in the Netherlands. Milei in Argentina.
These are not seven anecdotes. They are seven manifestations of the same underlying disease: the ruling consensus that governed the West for thirty years after the Cold War is losing democratic viability simultaneously across multiple nations.
Yah. That’s some “anecdote,” eh?
Why Everything They Tried Made It Worse
For nearly a decade, the political and institutional establishment of the West operated on a single underlying assumption: that eventually the public would return to the old equilibrium. Trump would finally go too far. His “luck” would run out. Brexit would be reversed. AfD would be banned. Le Pen would peak and recede. Populism would exhaust itself, or be repressed by the Deep State. Voters would rediscover their faith in experts, institutions, and managerial governance. The post–Cold War order would resume its march toward globalization, technocracy, mass migration, and progressive social management.
I said the opposite would happen and offered a lot of evidence for it. I was assured I was just cherry-picking. Let’s revisit the receipts.
The “Nazi pedophile” Donald Trump survived two impeachments, four criminal indictments, multiple rounds of civil litigation, “rape” allegations, the most coordinated censorship campaigns in American media history, active election interference by the United States’ own intelligence community, ballot-removal efforts in multiple states, two assassination attempts, and the most sustained institutional assault ever directed at a major American political figure in modern times.
Then he came back to the White House. Won the Electoral College. Won the popular vote, first Republican to do that since George W. Bush in 2004. Won every single one of the seven major swing states by margins that were not particularly close. Republicans simultaneously took back the Senate by knocking out Sherrod Brown, Jon Tester, and Bob Casey, three Democrats representing exactly the older working-class-rural-Democrat archetype the party had assumed was structurally permanent.
Historically, political careers do not survive even a fraction of what was thrown at Trump. Nixon collapsed over Watergate. Hart over a sex scandal. Dean over a scream. Dukakis over a tank photo-op. Trump absorbed nearly a decade of coordinated institutional warfare and emerged more powerful than before. I warned the Democrats at the time to take this seriously and reform. They did not. Denial, as they say, ain’t just a river in Egypt.
The simplest explanation? Voters don’t trust the institutions throwing the punches anymore. Once the public concludes the prestige institutions are manipulative, dishonest, partisan, and ideologically captured (and we have very definitely concluded that), institutional attacks stop functioning as deterrents and start functioning as endorsements. Every indictment made him stronger. Every censorship campaign made him stronger. Every elite denunciation made him stronger. They thought they were isolating him morally. What they were actually doing was confirming, in front of millions of people, that the system was scared of him for reasons that had nothing to do with the law.
The same dynamic now plays out internationally. Voters across the West increasingly believe the institutions governing them are incompetent, dishonest, ideologically captured, and insulated from democratic accountability. They believe, correctly, that the post–Cold War ruling consensus failed on immigration, housing, social cohesion, public trust, speech, globalization, cultural stability, and basic governance itself. Once voters reach that conclusion, elections stop being routine partisan contests and start functioning as acts of institutional retaliation. That is why Trump’s allies keep winning. That is why Reform won 1,442 council seats. That is why AfD doubled. That is why Macron dissolved parliament. That is why Milei is dismantling the Argentine bureaucracy with a power-tool-themed photo op.
Same disease. Same prognosis. Everywhere.
Redistricting: The Backfire Heard ‘Round the Country
For roughly thirty years the Democrats and their NGO ecosystem ran a quiet, patient, very effective project to engineer the House map in their favor. Racial gerrymandering under a creative reading of the Voting Rights Act. Population inflation in blue jurisdictions via uncounted illegal aliens. Friendly federal judges blessing maps no neutral observer would call neutral. Soft-power capture of state redistricting commissions. The math was supposed to be permanent. It is not. It is currently coming apart.
SCOTUS just gutted the racial-gerrymander framework in the Louisiana ruling. Virginia’s Supreme Court tossed the Democrats’ rigged map. Crystal Ball now has Republicans at 211 House seats with Democrats at 209 and 15 tossups, and that’s before Texas and Florida finalize their new maps, before Louisiana, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Missouri, and South Carolina finish redrawing. Add in the other Republican-leaning states actively redistricting and serious analysts already place Republicans at 217 before the cycle even gets started. Two seventeen. To win the House you need 218.
Then the 2030 census. Blue states have been hemorrhaging population to red states for over a decade. California, New York, Illinois lose seats. Texas, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Idaho gain. Electoral College geometry shifts. House math shifts. Presidency math shifts.
Here is the structural reality the smart end of the Democratic coalition is starting to whisper about. With the VRA framework partially dismantled, Republicans net at least a dozen House seats from redistricting alone. The 2030 census will give them roughly another dozen from population shifts, and force Democrats to redraw the seats they currently inflate via illegal-alien population. The Senate gets harder too. Nevada keeps shifting red. Arizona is a coin flip becoming a lean. Pennsylvania is no longer reliably blue. The map increasingly punishes a party whose appeal is concentrated in urban cores and college towns.
And the kill shot is the presidency. After the next reapportionment, the Electoral College geometry starts to require the Democratic candidate to win the national popular vote by something like six points just to be competitive in the swing states. Six points. That’s a Reagan-83-level mandate. They are not getting that with their current coalition.
If the Democrats do not gain control of the House, the Senate, and the Presidency, and pack the Supreme Court, and re-mandate racial gerrymandering, and push through mass amnesty for the eight-figure illegal-alien population currently being deported, by 2032 they may not exist as a nationally competitive political party. That is not a partisan brag. That is the math.
This is why everything Democrats are doing right now has a slightly hysterical edge. The base genuinely believes, with reasonable cause, that they are running out of time. Why they are willing to do anything to win one more cycle. Why they are tolerating, even celebrating, increasingly insane behavior from their own activist class. Why every off-year election is treated as if it’s the literal end of the world.
Dry the Money, Dry the Sedition
There is an old saying in counterinsurgency: dry the swamp and you starve the alligators. You don’t have to kill every operative individually if you starve the funding network that feeds them. Cut the money, cut the logistical support, cut the institutional cover, and the operation collapses on its own.
This is exactly what is now happening to the progressive nonprofit-industrial machine. The Southern Poverty Law Center is under indictment. The “hate hoax” operation is being publicly unwound. The whole architecture of NGO laundering (ActBlue’s dark-money pipeline, the Soros Open Society chain, the Tides foundations, the network of “social welfare” 501(c)(4)s that funded everything from Antifa logistics to the Russiagate smear campaign to the post-2020 prosecutorial slate) is finally being treated like the political weapons system it actually is.
The Comey indictment, again. The Brennan investigation. The Fauci-era scientist arrested and indicted. The Fani Willis investigation. The ActBlue investigation. Cassidy Hutchinson’s perjury exposure. The Somali fraud rings being broken up. The Virginia Senate Leader raided by the FBI. Indiana’s RINO bloodbath. New GOP seats lined up across the South. Possible peace deals in Ukraine and Iran.
Each of these by itself is a rounding error in the news cycle. Cumulatively they are a methodical, federal-level, multi-vector financial siege of the entire infrastructure that the progressive movement has used to project power over the last twenty years. The same operational doctrine that took apart Al-Qaeda’s funding network is now being applied, methodically, to the domestic agitation network that has been waging asymmetric political warfare against the country for twenty years.
This is what “drying the swamp” actually looks like. It is not theatrical. It is not a single Hollywood-style perp walk. It is a thousand small audits, indictments, FOIAs, asset seizures, deplatformings, donor blowbacks, and FinCEN inquiries happening in parallel. And it is why the progressive movement looks so uniquely exhausted right now. They spent thirty years assuming the funding would always be there, the institutions would always cover for them, and the press would always run interference. All three assumptions are now visibly failing.
You don’t need to win every culture-war battle when you can starve the people fighting them.
Attrition Through Enforcement
A new study just dropped, picked up by Forbes of all places. The finding: in an average area, approximately six undocumented immigrants drop out of the labor force for every one ICE arrest. Six to one.
The entire institutional argument against interior enforcement was that it was operationally impossible. That you couldn’t possibly remove the population at scale. That the courts would stop it. That the economy would collapse without the labor. None of that turns out to be true. You don’t have to physically deport every single person. You only have to make it credibly clear that enforcement is real, sustained, and not going to be reversed by the next administration. The rest is self-deportation. Which is exactly what we said would happen, and exactly what the open-borders consensus assured us could not happen.
The labor-market consequences are also being misread. Activist economists keep writing pieces implying enforcement will crush the economy. What it actually does is push wages up at the bottom, precisely the policy lever the working class has been begging for since the 1990s and that no Republican before Trump and no Democrat since LBJ was willing to pull. Enforcement works. Wages rise. Pressure on schools, ERs, housing, and welfare systems eases. The deportation flights aren’t even the main mechanism. The credible threat of enforcement is.
As always: the louder the press complains, the more you know it’s working.
The Woke Right: Sieged, Bankrupted, Banished
While we’re talking about institutional collapse, let’s talk about the other faction that thought it could ride MAGA energy into power and ended up roadkill: the so-called Woke Right.
I warned about this group for over a year. Nick Fuentes, Candace Owens, the Groypers, the rump of “Christian nationalist” influencers who weren’t actually all that Christian, the keyboard warriors who decided the path forward was to triple down on the most off-putting, most radioactive, most visibly antisemitic posture they could find, under the strange theory that maximum repulsion was the same thing as maximum truth.
A short check-in on how they’re doing:
Candace Owens. Bankrupted by a swarm of well-earned defamation lawsuits. The Macrons own her future income for the foreseeable rest of her career. You don’t get to manufacture a defamation factory and then act shocked when the legal system imposes consequences. Welcome to the high-trust legal civilization you spent two years insulting.
Nick Fuentes. Officially endorsed the Democrats this week. Endorsed the Democrats. The man who built a brand on calling everyone to his left a globalist puppet just publicly aligned with the Democratic Party. So on-the-nose that if you wrote it as fiction the editor would tell you to soften it. (LOL.)
Tucker Carlson. One-shotted by a New York Times profile. Increasingly viewed by his former audience as cuckoo for Cocoa Puffs. The slow, sad pivot from “most consequential right-wing media figure of his generation” to “guy whose podcast guests get progressively weirder” is now functionally complete.
Megyn Kelly. Viewership in free fall. She picked the wrong faction at the wrong moment, and audiences noticed.
Dave Smith. Discovered there are, in fact, no “good Jews” by his test, which is interesting because the rest of us discovered there are, in fact, no “good Dave Smiths” by ours. The brand of permanent contrarianism only works while you’re funny. He stopped being funny.
So: every single one of the Woke Right’s political candidates lost. Their media figures are bleeding audiences. Their flagship voices are bankrupt or deplatformed or aligned with the literal opposing party. Their “movement” (if that’s what you call paid foreign agitation and subversion) is visibly disintegrating in real time, back into the intellectual and moral vacuum it crawled out of.
This is what happens when you build a faction on resentment, contempt, and the assumption that your worst impulses are your strongest insights. You get a brief sugar high, you scare the squares, then you discover that real movements require real virtue, real discipline, and the basic adult ability to hold a coalition together.
Trump never went there. He kept the wide tent (JD, RFK, Tulsi, Hegseth) and correctly refused to be dragged into the Woke Right’s project. The center of gravity in American politics is now held by a normal working-class, multiethnic, Christian, populist-nationalist coalition. The kind that wins majorities. The cranks on both flanks are getting visibly priced out.
That is very good news. And it is news the legacy press will not report because it does not fit any of their preferred narratives.
Even the 70-Year Democrats Are Bailing
Speaking of preferred narratives, here is a clip the legacy press would rather you not see. Alan Dershowitz (Harvard Law professor emeritus, lifelong Democrat, defended OJ, defended Trump in his first impeachment) went on Pod Force One this week and said, on camera:
“I’ve been a Democrat for 70 years. I now am STRONGLY opposed to that party. I am SCARED of them.”
“I’m 87 years old. I don’t have the strength I had when I was 47, but I’m going to use EVERY bit of strength I have to oppose the Democrats.”
Seventy years. A Carter-Mondale, Dukakis, Clinton, Gore, Kerry, Obama, Hillary Democrat. Hounded out of his Martha’s Vineyard social circle for defending Trump’s first impeachment as a constitutional matter. Now publicly declaring that the modern Democratic Party scares him so badly he intends to spend whatever years he has left fighting it.
Dershowitz is exactly the kind of credentialed, lifelong, institutionally pedigreed liberal the Democratic Party used to assume it owned forever. He is publicly out, in the strongest possible terms, citing fear. You think he’s the only one? He’s just the only one famous enough that his defection cannot be quietly buried.
The numbers behind him: a chart making the rounds this week of mental-illness rates by political identity for Americans under 40. Strong Democrats: 56% report a diagnosed mental health condition. Strong Republicans: 15%. Nearly four times the rate.
Argue about causality if you want. What you cannot argue with is that a coalition increasingly built on the most psychologically distressed quartile of the population is not going to be stable. It is not a coalition. It is a clinic. The Dershowitzes will keep leaving until what’s left is exactly the people you don’t want defining your party in public.
Which is why one conservative commentator recently observed that if you want to know what’s actually happening in America right now, you’re better off reading the lamentations of the New York Times and Bluesky than listening to right-wing influencers, because the winning on the right is so total you can only feel its scale by listening to how the losing side describes it. And their wails can be heard for miles.
The Institutional Capture Is Cracking
Let me say something the polite right will not say out loud: the Democratic Party’s seventy-year capture of the institutions that shape public opinion was brilliant. Patiently, generation by generation, they took the universities, the K–12 system, the legacy media, the NGOs, the permanent civil service, the foundation network, large parts of finance and intelligence. The whole machinery that defines what is true, what is respectable, what is fact-checked, what counts as expertise, what gets credentialed, and what gets funded.
That capture is exactly why a party whose actual policy preferences were deeply unpopular on the merits (open borders, racial preferences, gender ideology in elementary schools, defund-the-police, climate mandates that crush working-class budgets) could keep advancing those policies for decades. They didn’t need majority support. They controlled the referees. Capture the gatekeepers, and “consent of the governed” becomes a formality.
But that whole structure rests on a series of bottlenecks. And the bottlenecks are now being cracked open one by one, not primarily by political pressure. By technology.
Education. COVID shattered public trust in institutional schooling. Homeschooling, microschools, classical academies, and charter networks are now the fastest-growing segment of K–12. AI is going to finish the job at the higher-ed level. When AI is doing the actual work of most knowledge professions inside ten years (and it is), human credentialing becomes mostly worthless. Why pay $400,000 for a degree whose only function is to certify you can do work an LLM does for forty cents an hour? You wouldn’t. The university-credential complex collapses the way newspaper classifieds collapsed when Craigslist arrived.
Media. Legacy media survived because it controlled the fact-check layer and could coordinate narratives across nearly every major institution simultaneously. AI models trained on the open internet now bypass that system entirely, giving people direct, sourced, cross-referenced answers to politically sensitive questions, grounded in the actual underlying data rather than the institutional interpretation of it. Narrative control becomes nearly impossible when every adult has a tool in their pocket that can verify or refute any media claim in seconds. Especially when those tools are open-source, which they increasingly are.
Bureaucracy and intelligence. AI-powered pattern recognition, decentralized leaks, blockchain publishing, and automated forensic analysis make institutional secrecy dramatically harder to maintain, and past institutional crimes dramatically harder to hide. Document dumps that took journalists months to process can now be analyzed in minutes by open-source systems on commodity hardware. The entire premise of “we will protect this information by sitting on it” is dying. (For the case study, watch the SPLC matter develop.)
Finance. Blockchain attacks the institutional opacity of money itself. Public ledgers make it harder to hide spending, launder political influence through nonprofit chains, or maintain legitimacy purely through institutional authority. The long-term trend favors transparency and verifiability over centralized trust. That trend is deeply hostile to the institutional left, because the institutional left’s power requires opacity.
The Democrats’ strategy was brilliant for its time. Its time is ending. The institutions that sired and protected modern progressivism are weakening simultaneously, exactly what one would expect during a Fourth Turning. Once the gatekeepers lose their monopoly, policies that depended on institutional insulation rather than majority support become very, very hard to sustain.
Will technology be hard on Republicans too? Sure. Disruption disrupts. But the asymmetry is obvious: the side most identified with the current establishment loses much more from disruption than the side defined by opposition to it. They built their power inside the institutions. They are the institutions. The institutions are losing.
A Word on Not Blackpilling
I told you a few weeks ago not to blackpill, and a few of you did anyway. I get it. The damage of the last sixty years is real. The cultural rot is real. The demographic math is real. The fiscal math is very real. The military intangibles are real. Forty years of educational, family, church, trust, and competence decline don’t reverse in a single presidential term.
Honest truth: we are still pulling the plane up out of a forty-year nosedive, and the odds are genuinely against us getting the nose above the horizon before we hit the ground.
But here’s what’s also true. Nobody else could have done what Trump and this team are doing right now. Not Romney. Not McCain. Not Bush 3.0. Not any of the polite, technocratic, managerial Republicans the old establishment kept trying to install. Not Mitch’s caucus. Not the consultant class. It took a guy who would absorb four indictments without flinching, walk straight at the institutional press with his middle finger up, survive three assassination attempts and joke about it on stage, and build a mega tent coalition normal politicians wouldn’t even know how to talk to. It took that guy, and the team he assembled around him, to even put us in a position where pulling out of the nosedive is conceivable.
Could it still go wrong? Of course. Could the Democrats stage some catastrophic provocation if they sense the structural window closing? Yes. That is exactly when it’s most likely. Could the establishment counterattack in ways we haven’t anticipated? Always.
But the trajectory right now is not “regression to managerial normalcy.” The trajectory is further away from the post–Cold War consensus, not closer to it. Faster, not slower. More winning, not less.
Don’t despair. Don’t blackpill. Don’t let the doomers in your timeline convince you the obvious gains are illusory. The gains are real. The institutional rot of the other side is real. The asymmetric weakening of legacy power structures is real. The demographic and structural math is now for us in a way it has not been in living memory.
So no, I will not be the guy at the cocktail party telling you the November midterms are going to look like every other midterm where the in-party loses big. They will not. MAGA is more motivated, not less. The base is more activated, not less. The donor and operational machinery is more aligned with Trump, not less. And the opposition is visibly coming apart at the same time their funding is being chased, their endemic corruption mechanism exposed, their legal cover stripped, their information monopoly dismantled, and their lifelong defenders publicly leaving in tears.
What did I tell you last week? We’re winning. What am I telling you this week? We’re winning MORE. Keep telling yourself otherwise if you want. The receipts are piling up either way.
Never despair. Stay in the game. Get up. We’re winning.
What I’m Watching and Reading….
If you haven’t seen the two Spencer Pratt adds by Charles Curran, you’re missing out. Curran is a generational talent, and in his first foray has become one of the best political adsmen out there. The vids are tagged with the line, “LA is worth saving. Vote Spencer Pratt.” Here’s two of them.
It’s coming….
Best of Twitter
Memetic Warfare
Parting Words….
That’s it for this week folks. Hope you enjoyed!
Each week, Sovereign Sunday delivers battle-tested truths, bold analysis, and civilization-defending commentary you won’t find in legacy media echo chambers. No algorithms. No gatekeepers. Just raw signal in a world drowning in noise.
If this newsletter sharpens your mind, steels your spirit, or gives you ammo for the cultural battlefield—do your part:
Smash the like/heart button! (it helps us beat the bots).
Forward to friends, family, fellow patriots—anyone who’s tired of lies wrapped in politeness.
Leave me a comment
Become a Paid Subscriber and fuel the mission. This isn’t a hobby—it’s a war for the narrative. And we’re building an army of the awake.
This is reader-supported, freedom-fueled journalism. Your support makes it possible.
—Michael Kimelman
Founder, Sovereign Sunday
Brilliant analysis and most welcome.
Thanks again, Mike. You brighten my world every Sunday. Kudos!